POLARITIES

Changing Central Asia: The Imperative of Pragmatism

László Vasa — 2024-10-06

After the independence of Central Asian countries, the great powers did not pay particular attention to the region, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan began to build their states and nations without external influences. One of the most important features of Central Asia today is the change; the countries of the region are going through a major transformation as, amid the changes in world politics and economy, Central Asian countries have a strong desire for development, modernization and connectivity. All major and middle powers are active in Central Asia, including China, Russia, the United States, Europe, but also Turkey and India. In terms of geopolitical and strategic influence, China, Russia and the United States are undoubtedly the most important. Also inspired by the complicated nature of relations between great powers, multi-vector diplomacy in the field of foreign policy is a common feature of Central Asian countries. Despite tensions between China, the United States, Russia, and Europe, Central Asian countries have formed strategic partnerships or strategic cooperation with each of them. Pragmatism is an important feature of the diplomacy of the Central Asian states, which is based on the principle of being able to realize real benefits for their country.

Russian Foreign Policy towards Cyprus:

Evaghoras Evaghorou — 2024-12-05

Cyprus is an important area for Russian foreign policy, as developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, where the island is located, affect Moscow’s strategic interests. This article analyzes and interprets the diplomatic, political, economic, energy, and geostrategic aspects of Russian foreign policy towards Cyprus. It identifies the motives behind Russian behavior towards the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and concludes that, despite generally good diplomatic and friendly relations, the two states have differing geostrategic interests. Given that the defense of Russia’s national interests, in relation to Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, is a priority for Moscow, the article concludes with assessments of future trends, including the developments in the Russian-Ukrainian war and its consequences, which have negatively affected the relations between the two states.

Central European regional cooperation and small states interest-advocacy in the European Union

Holányi Ákos — 2024-11-08

Regional cooperation is a traditional tool of small state interest-advocacy as they can amplify the voice of states with individually small influence. There are many regional groups in Central Europe, a region rich in small states, whose stated aim is to enhance cooperation amongst its members at the EU level. This paper analyses the role of five regional groups (Visegrád Group, Slavkov format, Salzburg Forum, Central European Defence Cooperation, Central Five) in the intra-EU diplomatic endeavours of four Central European small states (Austria, Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia) after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The results shows that only the Visegrád Group and the Slavkov format has any meaningful role in the interest-advocacy of the analysed small states in the EU.

Discourses of political participation among young Hungarians

András Déri — 2024-06-06

Different macro- and meso-level theories of youth political participation focus on who participates in political action and why. However, little is known about how young people interpret these forms of participation and whether their actual participation is structured along these interpretations. Our study aims to show what discourses of political participation can be identified in Hungary and which are specific to young people. This question is particularly relevant in the pandemic that emerged after COVID-19, which confined young people's everyday interactions and political activism to the online space for almost two years. According to our ‘Asteroida Effects’ hypothesis, new forms of political participation may have emerged, which may have reinterpreted the previous dynamics between online and offline participation. After the third wave of the pandemic and during the fourth wave, we conducted six focus group discussions and eight semi-structured online interviews, which we analysed through discourse analysis. Our results show that, at least in part, young people have redefined political participation due to the asteroid impact and have included communication about it in the meaning field of political participation.

Human Rights Implications of EU Agreements Concluded with Turkey, Morocco, Libya and Tunisia

Pamela Chemelil — 2024-10-13

The loss of thousands of migrants’ lives at the European borders has raised questions about the European Union’s (EU) commitment to its role as a promoter of human rights. The EU’s management of migration through bilateral agreements has demonstrated challenges in adequately protecting the rights and dignity of migrants and asylum seekers. Human rights principles should be universal to all individuals regardless of their migration status ensuring their freedom and dignity. This paper argues for the adoption of a human rights-oriented approach in such agreements comparing the implications and dimensions of human rights in these agreements on Türkiye and Northern African countries, notably Morocco and Libya offering insights across different regions. This paper will examine the human rights implications of these agreements considering the continued increase in migration flows to the EU and the efforts to manage them. Furthermore, it evaluates the mechanisms to address human rights within the migration agreements as well as their interaction with international laws and EU policies. By looking at the human rights challenges in these agreements, the paper contributes to the ongoing debates on migration policies prioritizing human rights in EU decision-making in future migration agreements.

Turkey’s response to the war in Ukraine in the context of systemic changes and regional dynamics

Zoltán Lechner — 2024-05-29

As it is one of the few NATO members that refused to sever cooperation with Russia in 2022, Turkey’s response to the war in Ukraine can be seen as a critical case study in the dynamics of contemporary geopolitics. This article examines Turkey's strategic positioning and policy responses regarding the conflict, with the aim of understanding the logic behind Ankara’s decision to present itself as a mediator, instead of aligning itself with the mostly united policy of the West. Embracing the theoretical framework of neorealism, the article first examines the correlation between systemic changes and Turkish foreign policy, as the author considers that the emergence of a “posthegemonic world order” profoundly affects Ankara’s opportunities in the international environment. Employing the analytical approach of geopolitics, the second section of the study delves into Turkey's security concerns and economic interests in the Black Sea region and examines the evolution of Ankara’s geostrategy towards the region since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Building upon the context outlined by the first two sections, the third part of the study analyses Ankara’s foreign policy responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, focusing primarily on the period from February to December 2022.